Alternative Policy Statement on Union Finances

A POLITICAL AND FINANCIAL STRATEGY FOR THE UCU

The UCU is facing a crisis. Some say that this crisis is a financial crisis. In fact, it is a financial crisis that is being transformed into a political crisis as some in the leadership of the union seek to use the fall in membership as an opportunity to turn the union away from campaigning for members’ terms and conditions, and in defence of public education, towards a servicing model of trade unionism.

A servicing union does not centrally engage in political campaigns against Government policy, or even industrial campaigns against pay cuts and worsening conditions. It becomes little more than an individual insurance policy for its members.

These days, everyone in the union declares for ‘a campaigning union’. Behind the repetition of this slogan as a dutiful mantra, however, there is a sharp choice facing union members about the future of their organisation.

As an alternative to the dramatic changes to staffing and to union democracy that have been proposed, we the undersigned propose the following:

    • a careful reduction in costs that does not damage member-­facing services and support, does not damage democratic accountability, and does not impose swinging staff cuts or compulsory redundancies;
    • a recruitment drive that targets institutions with below average membership density, starting with the largest such institutions;
    • an real increase in subscriptions, graduated by salary, to an average of the cost of a cup of coffee per month (currently, UCU membership is one of the cheapest in the country or internationally);
    • an improved progressive element in subscription banding.

UCU’s membership history

UCU grew continuously since our formation six years ago while other unions generally lost members. Why were we different? Because we set out from the beginning to build a union modelled on campaigning, organising, and resisting all attacks both locally and nationally. We maintained a high profile through industrial action over pay, jobs, and pensions. Not a year went by without us taking industrial action, and being in dispute in either FE or HE with the employers. Most members recognised a campaigning union when they saw one, and this also encouraged non-­‐union colleagues and new starters to join us.

This culminated during 2011 in us taking three or more days of strike action either over USS pensions or over the TPS alongside other unions. The high point was November 30th when we were part of the 2 million who went on strike over public sector pensions. UCU recruited around 1,500 new members in the run up to N30. We then proceeded to lose members thereafter as a consequence both of the compromise with the Government by some unions that sank the possibility of a united continuation of a defence of pensions, and of the de facto acceptance by UCU of a two-­‐tier USS that divides members in the pre-­‐92s.

The lesson is clear. Underpinning any plan to address the union’s current financial issues must be a concerted reassertion of the union’s willingness to be seen, in all our institutions and on the national stage, as standing up for post-­‐16 education, and defending pay, pensions and conditions.

Is the UCU facing a financial crisis?

The UCU is facing pressing financial difficulties. The problem is a structural one. It is not the case that members are resigning from the union; rather UCU is losing older members who are retiring or being made redundant. This has been happening, particularly in FE, over the past 18 months. Additionally, it is not recruiting sufficient numbers of younger members or new entrants, who are often on fixed term or temporary, or otherwise precarious, contracts. This dramatically affects subscription income since the older members tend to be higher paid, and consequently paying subs at a higher rate than new recruits.

What is the solution offered by the General Secretary and senior national officials, by most of the elected national officers, and by the majority group on the National Executive Committee?

The solution of the Senior Management Team (the General Secretary and the senior national officials), the national officers (the President, Vice President, etc.), and the majority group on the NEC, is to put in place the following:

    • a possible 27% cut in the staffing budget (now through voluntary redundancies and natural wastage);
    • a reduction in the size and thus representativeness of the NEC;
    • a truncation of the time for debate at national Congress, and in branch entitlements;
    • cuts to the number of committees representing members; and
    • an exploration of means to generate more income through letting-­‐out part of the union HQ.

This is an unnecessarily pessimistic and managerialist response.They are looking for savings in the region of £2 million per annum to balance the books. Importantly, for the purposes of the proposals made below, they have ruled out increasing subscriptions in real terms. Although they suggest that subscriptions should increase by the rate of inflation (currently a little over 3% according to the Retail Prices Index), they argue that any further increases would deter potential members, or lead to resignations of current members.

The alternative argument

There are financial difficulties, and these need to be addressed urgently. There is an alternative solution, however, that is entirely different to that of the Senior Management Team.

First, it is not simply the cost of being in a union that makes people join (or leave); it is rather to do with the ability of the union to fight to defend jobs, wages and working conditions – and in a broader sense to defend public education, the resources that go into it, and thus the opportunities for young people. It is a matter of fact that when industrial action is being taken, locally or nationally, membership increases. In other words it is what the UCU does nationally, and in each workplace, that makes the UCU an attractive organisation to join. Simply to assume that a marginal increase in subscriptions of one or two pounds per month is the key issue is to miss the point.

Secondly, we have reason to be more optimistic about the possibility of recruitment, and about the prospects of the UCU growing its way out of the crisis. There is huge potential for recruiting new members in FE and HE.

The alternative financial strategy

Subscriptions – the ‘coffee test’

Members, and particularly Congress delegates, will be astounded to learn that the average cost per member to solve any possible financial crisis for the union would be ONE LATTE per month on top of inflation. That is, an extra £2.50 per month from each member would generate £3.3 million per annum (based on the most pessimistic forecast of membership numbers), and this would more than solve the threatened crisis. This alternative does not propose such a flat rate increase irrespective of ability to pay (for the precise proposal see Appendix 1 to this statement). This average figure is being used here only for illustrative purposes.
That total would be £1.3 million in excess of that which the SMT is proposing to cut from the union’s staffing or from its democracy! ONE COFFEE PER MONTH PER MEMBER! Since it would make sense to have a graduated increase, depending on salary, it would not even be this much for most members. In the first year, not even that much is necessary – in the first instance, in 2013/2014, subscriptions would need to increase by only half that much in real terms, and then only if membership falls as fast as is forecast.

In fact, the increase that would be needed in the absence of ANY improvement in membership recruitment would be far less than this. To balance the books without cuts in staffing or democracy would be, for most members £1.29 or £1.52 pcm (including inflation) in the first year, and an additional real increase in the second year of £1.50 or £1.75 pcm, taking the total increase (over both years) to £2.79 and £3.27 pcm. See the details in the appendices below.

The argument that has been put against subscription increases is that the net benefit is only two-­‐thirds of the headline figure, on the presumption that members will be deterred by higher subs. Yet no evidence has been offered for this. How can people who leave for other reasons be distinguished from those who might leave because of an increase in subscriptions? Since most recent terminations of membership are likely to have been as a result of retirement or redundancy, and there is no sound record of how many leave membership in response to subs increases, there is no evidence available either for this claim or for its opposite. In the circumstances, however, it would be reasonable to suppose that, if only for reasons of straightforward self-­‐interest, few members would be encouraged to leave the union by a small increase in subs.

In any event, this argument misses the point. It is not simply the cost of being in a union that makes people join (or leave); it is rather to do with the ability of the union to fight to defend jobs, wages and working conditions. In education, the attraction of membership is also determined by the union’s willingness to defend public education, the resources that go into it, and the opportunities thus created for young people.

It is a matter of fact that when industrial action is being taken locally or nationally – membership increases. The action around pensions and N30 saw a large increase in membership. In other words it is what the UCU does, nationally, and in each workplace, that makes the UCU an attractive organisation to join.

The question is simply this: are we seriously suggesting that many members would leave the UCU at a time of the greatest threat to public post-­16 education rather than pay an additional subscription equivalent to a cup of coffee each month? That is what it would cost in subscriptions to deal with the financial difficulty.

If we are saying that they would leave then what does that tell us about the reputation of our union? THAT is the ‘coffee test’.

Recruitment and growth

Secondly, there are grounds to be much more optimistic about the possibility of recruitment, and about the prospects for the UCU growing its way out of the crisis. There is huge potential for recruiting new members in FE and HE. The density of UCU membership in FE and HE institutions varies considerably but is usually somewhere between 40% and 60%. Targeted recruitment campaigns, coordinated through regional committees and branch development officers, would pay dividends in beginning to bed down a culture of recruitment in our branches.

There are tried and tested ways in which a branch can raise its profile and encourage colleagues to join. Particularly important is the creation of an effective reps structure in every branch so that members and potential members know that ‘the union’ is just a few doors away, or that there is at least a rep on another floor of the same building.

There are approximately 450 FE and HE institutions. If we recruited a net two members per month per institution on average, we would more than reverse the current rate of membership decline, which has, in any case, already been slowing since this time last year. That figure, two new members per month over retirements, puts the problem into perspective.

This is certainly achievable. The more we achieve this, and replace retiring members, the less will we need to raise subscriptions.

What would make no sense in these circumstances would be either to cut staffing, and thus jeopardise targeted recruiting drives, or to dilute members’ control of the union via its democratic structures, thereby making ‘the union’ seem distant from members and activists rather than as being their own organisation.

The strategy: raising the profile of the UCU

The UCU needs to raise its profile as the defender of post-­‐16 education. It needs to do this through promoting industrial action, nationally and locally, as the key mechanism to win concessions from the employers. It must reject cost-­‐cutting strategies that impinge on union democracy and membership participation, and those that cut staff, and thus the services the staff provide. A cuts strategy will lead the UCU into a spiral of decline.

As an alternative to a cuts strategy, this proposal is for a strategy based on campaigning over pay, workloads, pensions, and a major recruitment campaign to be run simultaneously. We support a mixed strategy of increasing subscriptions (as outlined in Appendix I and II, below), and seeking savings only on those expenditures that do not impact on members’ services.

Swingeing cuts, particularly in staffing, could be disastrous in threatening the very services that are valued by members, and would put additional stress on those staff who remain.

In summary, our strategy and specific proposals are, therefore, that the UCU should:

Grow its way out of financial difficulties through recruitment

From its inception the UCU made a good start in recruitment, but this momentum needs to be maintained. In its first five years it defied the trend in other unions as a result of offering a strategy of resistance to Government policy. Young people in particular need to be convinced about joining the UCU, and this means, in turn, demonstrating that the union can represent and defend them.

We need to identify which branches of the union are below the average for union density, and target them. We need to target them NOT with promises of cheap insurance BUT with a reinvigoration of the branches, and a commitment against every cut, and in defence of every job and every course.

We should consider different forms of branch organisation, those more suited to building the UCU and representing members (for example, enhancing the role of the School representative, holding School-­‐based meetings, organising HPL and Young Member and Researcher groups and meetings to feed into branch meetings). The Waddington report strongly suggests that this would be an effective way of enhancing UCU’s presence, particularly in the bigger institutions.

Increase subscriptions in real terms

As registered above, members will be astounded to learn that the cost per member to solve any possible financial crisis for the union would be one cup of coffee per month on top of inflation,

introduced gradually over two years. The requisite increase needs to be a calculated as a percentage, and then allocated appropriately to the existing bands so as to ensure that the incidence of the increase falls progressively on those who are best able to sustain it out of higher incomes.

The union should not be defensive about this increase. Nor should it simply present the increase in percentage terms, which is misleading when we consider how a percentage of a small sum of money translates into an absolute sum: 15% of £20 sounds a lot but it is only £3 – about one cup of coffee per month.

Meanwhile, members should be aware that 67% of their union subscriptions are tax deductable, so they are entitled to claim back 25% of that 67% from the Inland Revenue. So, for the vast majority of members who do not currently make such a claim to the IR, a subs increase, if accompanied by a tax rebate claim, would see them paying LESS than before the increase! For a member earning over £40k, the total 2-­‐year subs increase would be £3.17 pcm, and the rebate would be worth £3.73 pcm!

Currently, subscriptions are tiered to reflect different incomes. As the income figure stops at £40,000, however, this produces regressive results – that is, the many people whose incomes are higher than £40k pay an increasingly smaller proportion of their income as incomes rise. We suggest the introduction of a new band: £60,000 and above.

Future of the UCU

This is not just an alternative financial strategy for stability and growth; it is equally a political alternative to a version of trade unionism that would be the consequence of the SMT’s proposals – a servicing union that would rarely be engaged in disputes with the employers, or in active opposition to government policy. That is the fundamental choice that is facing branch delegates at this year’s Congress.

Do we want a campaigning union, defending wages and conditions and jobs, and defending public education and the breadth and quality of our provision, as well as providing individual representation and advice?

Or do we want a ‘servicing union’ that largely concentrates on offering individual representation, insurance deals, legal advice and individual support to members?

That is the sense in which this debate is about the heart and soul of the UCU.

Jane Hardy (Hertfordshire) Tom Hickey (Brighton)

A version of this report with the appendices, tables, full figures and references can be downloaded as a pdf here.

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NEC report, 3rd May 2013

Compulsory redundancies for UCU staff back on the agenda. Member representation and union democracy cut.

Which trade union fights compulsory redundancies for its members but imposes them on its own staff? The UCU, of course!

At its meeting on the 3rd May, the NEC voted by majority:

to put compulsory redundancies of UCU staff back on the agenda;
to undermine the democratic structure in an attempt to pre-empt debates by Congress delegates in 4 weeks’ time.

In an extraordinary display, the Honorary Treasurer first waved the threat of bankruptcy at members of the Committee, accusing them of irresponsibility and dereliction if they did not vote to grant the national officials and national officers power to do whatever they considered necessary. The majority of the Committee then voted through a single-sentence motion that reversed, in effect, its earlier decision at the previous meeting to rule out compulsory redundancies.

Rarely in the trade union movement can there have been a spectacle as unashamedly manipulative as this. Clearly prepared in advance, and determined not to listen to any contrary argument, most of the majority on the NEC (led by the ‘Independent Broad Left’ (IBL)) then voted through the following motion, with ‘compulsory redundancies’ being the phrase that dare not speak its name. Compulsory redundancies, however, was what this was all about.

The enabling motion for potential sackings of UCU staff read:

This NEC resolves to take whatever steps are necessary to achieve a balanced budget and to ensure the survival of UCU as an independent trade union.

This motion was carried 34:23, with 4 abstentions.

The national officers and officials, first supported by the NEC majority group, had decided earlier this year that compulsory staff redundancies might be used to deal with the union’s financial crisis. This was greeted with dismay in many branches and all regions, and by many on the NEC (but unfortunately not the majority). How could local branches resist and condemn compulsory redundancies amongst UCU members in their institutions while their own union was countenancing them for its own staff?

In response to many messages of concern, the NEC then reversed its decision, and declared that compulsory redundancies were off the agenda. Now, in a thoroughly embarrassing second volte face amongst some of the majority group on the Committee, the NEC has reversed its position yet again. Our staff members are now to face, once again, the threat of compulsory redundancies.

The situation is simultaneously both shambolic and shameful. If managements in our institutions behaved like this, what would we say of them?

Pre-emptive strike against Congress debate on finances

In four weeks’ time, at the end of May in Brighton, delegates from FE and HE branches from across the country will be gathering to debate how best to defend wages and conditions, oppose the Government’s austerity agenda, and preserve post-16 education from commercialisation and privatisation. One of the key debates this year will concern the future of the union.

Provoked by an impending financial crisis for the UCU caused by membership loss from the shrinkage of the sector, that debate will be between those who argue for a managed decline of the union via cost cutting, particularly focussed on loss of union staff, and those who argue that we can restore much of the membership loss through high-profile and targeted recruitment campaigns, and focusing on action to defend members’ conditions and the integrity of post-16 education. We should then cover any financial shortfall from a modest increase in subscriptions.

The union’s national officers and the Independent Broad Left (IBL) faction have ruled out any real subscription increases from playing any part in the strategy to address the union’s drop in income even though the sums involved would amount to the price of a cup of coffee per member per month on average by 2015.

In a blatant attempt to forestall that debate at the Congress, however, and to remove the decision from the hands of the Congress delegates, the majority faction on the NEC, at the meeting on 3rd May, voted through a change in the NEC standing orders that dramatically reduced lay members’ oversight of the union’s operation via its committee structure.

This structure had been established at the time of the merger between the AUT and Natfhe (the predecessor unions to the UCU) in order to inscribe members’ control and leadership of their own organisation. This change is designed, by contrast, to concentrate day-to-day power in the office of the General Secretary, and in the hands of the union’s senior full-time officials.

The General Secretary and the Senior Management Team used the majority enjoyed by its allies on the NEC (the IBL group) fundamentally to undermine democratic representation and lay control of the union. This was the current UCU leadership’s pre-Congress attempt at an orgnisational coup in advance of the Congress.

The NEC majority voted to reduce the number of elected members on various representative committees, and to reduce the number of NEC and industrial sector committee (for FE and HE) meetings.

The dominant NEC faction block-voted through most of the recommendations. The frequency of meetings of the Strategy and Finance Committee, the Education Committee, the Recruitment and Organising Committee, and the Equality Committee, all were rushed through without even any minimal debate at the meeting, despite voluble objections. One IBL supporter successfully moved that the meeting should vote on some of the proposals before any discussion had taken place at all. The proposals included radically reducing the number of Equality members’ standing committee meetings, which are the main forums where lay elected members make significant inputs to the union’s equality agenda.

The changes that were steamrollered through including the following:

reduction in number and length of NEC and HEC/FEC;
reduction in number of Strategy and Finance Committee (SFC) meetings;
reduction of meetings of Equality Committee;
reduction in meetings of employment special interest committees;
reduction in the size of the Equality Committee and the equality standing committees; reduction of the number of meetings of the equality members standing committees and amalgamation, in effect, of the four equality conferences into one;
abolition of the International Working Group and its incorporation into the CPC (formerly SFC);
abolition of the property and finance group and of the Staffing Committee; reconstitution of the Medical Research Council Committee into a discrete branch; and abolition of the Land-based Committee.

While some of the changes made sense, given the changing pattern of priorities for the union, and shifting pattern of national issues, many were highly contentious. Realisation of the potential consequences of the failure properly to discuss the frequency issue, once members were made

aware of what had happened on the NEC, caused the Chair of the meeting to allow some discussion (typically three contributions only) on some of the other proposals.

After those limited discussions, the NEC rejected the proposal to have the SFC composed only of the chairs of other committees as it dawned on some in the majority grouping that they would then be creating a process that would produce an SFC that was 100% composed of IBL supporters. The NEC also rejected the proposal to discontinue the Academic-related Committee, as some amongst the majority faction realised how unpopular that change would be.

It will now be a matter for members’ delegates at the UCU’s national Congress to determine whether the UCU is to remain a member-led union, or one controlled by its employed full-time national officials. That will also determine whether the union is to remain committed to using both its political and its industrial influence and power not just to defend members’ terms and conditions but also the nature of the future of post-16 education.

Solidarity Tour for Halesowen dispute in South Yorkshire.

Monday 4th March was a day to be proud of UCU in South Yorkshire (and North Derbyshire!). I was privileged to drive Dave Muritu, the victimised Halesowen branch secretary, and Rhiannon Lockley, who has taken over from him as secretary, around the county visiting UCU branches. Everywhere we went Rhiannon and Dave told their story – and everywhere we went the trade unionists we met were both horrified and angered.

Our day started at Sheffield station and we were met there by Liz Lawrence, straight from a SHU branch committee meeting with a warm welcome (and a collection for their Hardship Fund!). Then on to Barnsley College for a coffee and a collection  before doubling back to Sheffield University to receive another collection and sandwiches (thanks to Jane Rodger’s thoughtfulness!) Next stop was Doncaster College and yet another collection followed by a frantic race to Chesterfield College to the biggest meeting so far and 2 donations to their Hardship Fund, one from the UCU branch and one from Chesterfield Trades Council.

Sheffield NUT had invited us to their Executive meeting at teatime ( the sandwiches we had there were very welcome) and Rhiannon and Dave told their story yet again. It was noticeable how shocked the NUT members were by the story of the sackings and they were very generous in their donation. Finally, Dave and Rhiannon spoke to a Unite The Resistance meeting at 7pm – and yet another collection was taken. In all, we spoke to about 60 trade unionists – and branches like Sheffield University UCU and Sheffield NUT decided to send a full account out to their members as a result. The collections we were given totalled over £650 for the Hardship Fund. (And I have a further £70 collected from the Yorks UCU Retired members branch yesterday).

What made me proud was the way that so many UCU branches responded so well to the Halesowen dispute. Hard pressed branch officers took the time to talk to their members and collect money from them as well as meeting with Rhiannon and Dave. Not only that but their clear support and  ideas for what to do next encouraged our Halesowen colleagues. Dave texted me later to say he had been ‘reinvigorated’ by the day. He has been sacked for nearly 3 months now so now wonder his spirits flag sometimes.

As James Eaden said at our Chesterfield meeting, solidarity is a two way process. It obviously helps the recipients, but it strengthens the branches giving too, by generating discussions and explanations about the Halesowen dispute and why solidarity is vital.

The UCU members at Halesowen are putting up a brave and impressive fight. Monday proved yet again how much support they have in the union. I would very much like to be involved in organising a similar tour in the Leeds/Bradford area in the near future and I am sure something similar could be done elsewhere in the country. If and when we have a another national day of action in solidarity with Halesowen such tours can help to ensure that far more branches participate.

Finally, we have invited the Halesowen branch to speak at our South Yorkshire Unite The Resistance conference on Sat. March 16th where we hope to get 300 people in to listen to Mark Serwotka and Kevin Courtney – i hope to see all of you there too!

In solidarity,

Dave Gibson

Anti Casualisation Day of Action, March 6th

Activists from Essex University UCU took part in the national day of action against casualised contracts by asking staff and students to show their support by being photographed with the slogan ‘Stamp Out Casual Contracts’. This went down really well, with many full-time staff showing solidarity with those on casual contracts, and many students showing support to their teachers. This gave confidence to those of us on casual contracts that we can be seen as part of the union, and that the challenges we face must be raised as part of a wider defence of education. Several part-time and fixed term contract staff approached us who had not been aware of what the union does, and one joined there and then.

Matt, a part time lecturer, said: “As a recently graduated PhD student I and most of my co-workers are on part time, temporary University contracts, and face an uncertain future. When in a job we are paid relatively little, and constantly fear that we will soon be without a job at all. The day of action made these issues visible on campus, and really got people talking about the problems that face casual workers.”