Youth unemployment at an eleven year high: the trade union movement must act!

Student protest against EMA cut
Sean Vernell Regi Pilling

Sean Vernell UCU City and Islington and UCU national negotiator
Regi Pilling UCU Westminster Kingsway and NEC

Just under one million 16-24 year olds are not in work, education or training.

Overall unemployment stands at 5%, but among 16-24 year olds it is 16.1%! This is the highest in eleven years. That’s one in eight young people who are not in work, education or training. These are not marginal figures, they are shocking and a social indictment. 

How is it that the sixth richest country in the world cannot provide the most basic needs for our young people? 

The response from politicians and employers is shameful yet predictable. They blame the minimum wage and young people’s supposed lack of skills. They fail to take any responsibility for the problem, instead blaming young workers for apparently ‘pricing themselves out of work’ and on to teachers for failing to train them with the skills needed by the labour market. 

Starmer’s Labour government accepts these explanations. Caving into pressure from employers, it seems they will break another manifesto pledge and delay the rise in minimum wage for under 21s. This will only entrench the discrimination already faced by young workers.

The review commissioned by the government and led by arch-Blairite Alun Milburn is clearly preparing justifications for another assault on young people’s benefits, if they refuse to take low paid and demeaning jobs. 

The real reason one million young people are out of work, education or training is not a failure of character or capability. It is the relentless pursuit of profit. Over the past four decades, wealth inequality has widened dramatically. ‘Trickle-down economics’ ushered in under Thatcher did not generate shared prosperity: it concentrated wealth in ever-fewer hands. Big Business’s desire to maintain these historic highs of profitability has been achieved through trying to weaken unions, cut jobs, increase workload and lower wages.

The supposed “skills deficit” of young people is not the core issue for their unemployment. The underlying issue is the failure of successive governments to create or invest in new, meaningful and well-paid jobs. Instead they have remained wedded to the deregulated neoliberal economic models of the last fifty years. The acceptance of this orthodoxy has seen public services privatised and cut, often accompanied by deskilling, and always by a reduction in wages and conditions. 

This has further undermined, rather than expanded, job opportunities. Alongside this there has been an over emphasis on so-called economic growth in the ‘service and financial sectors’ — growth that too often generates low-paid, insecure and low-skilled work.

This has combined with an education system which has prioritised a Govian curriculum and heavy-duty assessment approach which has left many young people disillusioned and ‘failed’ by the education system. The government’s recent curriculum review acknowledged aspects of this problem, yet there has been little willingness to pursue the structural changes necessary to build an education system capable of enabling young people to flourish as informed and fulfilled individuals.

Mass youth unemployment has been institutionalized as a structural feature of the economy since the late 1970s. For fifty years, successive governments have failed to introduce schemes to create work. From the disastrous YOP, YTS and MSC schemes of the early 1980s, to the 2013 decision to raise to 18 the age at which young people must remain in education or training — all have failed to secure young people meaningful employment. 

Those of us who work in Further Education know too well the impact on young people’s lives of government and employer failure. Sickness rates are at a record high. This is due to an increase in physical and mental ill-health, as young people find it increasingly difficult to live in a brutal world that prevents them from fulfilling their dreams. 

A generation is being asked to lower their expectations in order to fit the suffocating constraints of an economy that offers insecurity as standard.

‘Workers staying in work for longer’ is often cited as a key barrier to young people gaining work. This narrative is an attempt to divide young workers from old. To the extent that this narrative is true, there are easy solutions to this problem. 

First, return the state retirement and workplace pension age to 60, equalised at what was previously women’s retirement age. Increase employer pension contributions to facilitate stronger pensions which allow older workers to retire earlier.

Second, introduce a three day week on the same pay for those already in work, enabling those younger workers to enter the labour market.

We are told this argument is unaffordable and ‘pie in the sky’. But affordability is a political question — funding is about political choices and not cast-iron economic rules. This government has chosen to increase arms spending by 5% rather than deal with youth unemployment.

These are not economic inevitabilities but political choices being made. 

Unemployment has always played an important role in the running of the system. Unemployment is a surplus pool of labour that can be tapped into when order books are full. Its existence disciplines those in work: ‘don’t complain about your pay and conditions as plenty of others would be more than happy to take your job’. Youth unemployment is not an accident. It is the result of choices and is being embedded into the system. 

Therefore, this task is an urgent one. We must build a campaign capable of preventing the further immiseration of young people and of resisting attempts to divide those in work from the unemployed, and young from older workers.

The trade union movement must act.

The dangerous consequences of failing to act and of centering youth unemployment are all too clear — as shown by the ‘Unite the Kingdom’ demonstration in September 2025, organised by the fascist Tommy Robinson. On the demo there were large numbers of young working class teenagers, pumped up with rage, marching through the capital. 

Reform UK argues that the white working class youth are more likely to be unemployed than their Black and Asian counterparts. This is untrue. In fact, institutional racism ensures that young Black people are twice as likely to be unemployed as their white counterparts, and Asian youth suffer the highest rates of unemployment (23%), according to a TUC report into equality and diversity in employment. 

The labour and trade union movement has historically played an important role in ensuring that the collective power of the trade union movement is the champion of working-class youth rather than the hate filled divisive politics of the far right. The far right offers not solutions but scapegoats.

Historically, the labour and trade union movement has always provided a different answer. The Right to Work campaign launched in the latter half of the 1970s played an important role in undermining the fascist National Front’s support among white working-class youth. The campaign organised marches, lobbies and young unemployed activists joined striking workers on their picket lines.

We need to once again make the issue of youth unemployment a central part of our wider campaigns. We must challenge the increasingly dominant narrative, promoted by sections of the media, the far right and mainstream politicians alike, that this crisis is caused either by the young themselves or by older workers clinging to employment.

Young people today need policies that will ensure they don’t become another ‘lost generation’, scarred and dehumanised by life on the scrap heap. We must renew the demand for one million climate jobs, to return to public ownership of all our utilities, for council housing on a mass scale, and for the reversal of cuts to youth services across higher, further and adult education. Tuition fees must be scrapped for all courses.

As an education union, UCU has both a responsibility and an opportunity to lead. We must place the struggle against mass youth unemployment at the centre of our campaigning work.

If elected to the NEC, we will work to ensure that this becomes a strategic priority for our union.


Sean Vernell and Regi Pilling are standing in the elections for the UCU National Executive Committee.

Picture of our candidates

UCU Left ‘Four Fights’ Negotiators’ statement, 6/3/2020

Lobby of Woburn House
Lobbying UCEA HQ in December

Dear colleagues

We are writing as UCULeft ‘Four Fights’ negotiators who have been engaged in complex negotiations which are ongoing.

It is important to note that these negotiations have not yet resulted in an offer. Nothing is on the table and nothing is agreed.

The current situation is that after constructive discussions on the pay-related elements of the claim, the employers’ representatives were sent away to consult with their members.

In this context we are concerned that the General Secretary put out a statement on Thursday that was neither discussed nor agreed with the negotiators. In that statement she says that “If we can get an offer that represents the kind of movement I have set out here on all four parts of the dispute, I will recommend that our higher education committee (HEC) should consult members on whether to accept it.”

Negotiators are elected by members to engage directly with the employers to attempt to settle a dispute. During the course of negotiations we make proposals to the employers, knowing that whatever we might negotiate, there is a democratic process that holds us to account.

Offers, deals and accountability

HEC has agreed the following process for dealing with any offer from the employers. We have not had an offer, but were we to get one this is what would happen.

  1. First, negotiators would discuss it as a package and consider whether or not to recommend it for consultation as the best that could be achieved through negotiations. If it were not ready to go out, we would go straight back to the employers to negotiate further.
  2. Once it was sent out, members would see the offer, consult over and debate it in branch meetings or strike meetings, and elect delegates to a UK-wide meeting of branch reps.
  3. At that meeting, branch representatives would debate the offer at a UK-wide level, and vote on it (in a weighted vote) to decide whether to recommend to HEC as to whether or not to put it out to members.
  4. HEC would then take a vote on whether or not that offer should be sent out for a consultative ballot for members to vote on. HEC’s decision will be based on the recommendations of branch reps from the delegates meeting.

It is also strange to see a General Secretary proposing to recommend a deal that has not yet been made. It is standard practice in negotiations to say that “nothing is agreed until everything is agreed”. The assessment of whether an offer is acceptable cannot be made until all the details are confirmed. This is not yet the situation.

Negotiating on Pay

The second issue concerns headline pay. On Tuesday, UCU negotiators adopted a negotiating position of putting 3% on the table to give UCEA the chance to consult their members about the potential for a rapid resolution of the dispute in the context of a serious global health crisis that could engulf us all.

Let’s not forget that UCU’s claim is for RPI+3%. The employers are sitting on reserves of £44bn. They can afford to meet our claim in full.

This was, and is, a genuine offer to try to resolve the dispute, but it is for members and delegates in the process outlined above to decide whether or not it is sufficient to resolve it.

It is difficult to discuss an offer that does not exist! But were we to get an offer we would have to make a serious decision as to whether we as negotiators, collectively or individually, can recommend it to members to be decided on by the process outlined above.

All the negotiators are strengthened by every single striker and picketer. We now need to sustain and strengthen the action.

Our strikes are our strongest leverage. We can win this together.

Mark Abel
Marian Mayer
Jo McNeill
Sean Wallis

Let’s push on to victory

London College of Fashion Dundee Picket
After the first five of our 14 strike days, the employers are looking for ways to settle. There were talks last week in both disputes and more to follow this week.

Both sides know that the future direction of higher education is at stake. The employers’ commitment to marketisation means that only the bottom line counts in the scramble for dominance or survival. Students are palmed off with an increasingly inferior educational experience as they are crammed into lecture halls and their contact time is cut.

While for staff, the imperative is driving down the wage bill by whatever means available. Wave after wave of voluntary severances push workloads to levels incompatible with healthy lives. A reliance on the cheapest possible employment arrangements – zero-hours contracts, worker and agency contracts which don’t come with employee rights, and short-term contracts – keep people guessing about how long they will be earning.

Riches

None of this is because the sector is impoverished. Only the contrary, higher education is richer than it has ever been. Even after the splurges on new buildings and the grasping of Vice Chancellors enriching themselves, universities are sitting on billions in reserves.

Our strike has put the employers on the back-foot. They did not expect the level of support for the demands that we have put forward.

Our demands are necessary and urgent for our members, but also counter the fragmentation and marketisation of the sector. Reinforcing the national mutual agreement to maintain the USS pension scheme and creating a new national agreement to set a floor for employment standards would limit the scope for dangerous speculation at the expense of the sector, students and staff.

How are we doing so far?

We are making real progress on USS. The employers are increasingly learning to accept they cannot assume they can pass on escalating costs to staff and accepting that ‘de-risking’ – a strategy they pursued since 2014 – is a non-starter. We have not won yet, but if we do win, we will complete unfinished business from 2018.

We are also making progress in the Four Fights, with the employers realising they are going to have to reach a national agreement of minimum standards of some sort. Our negotiators are making some progress. The employers are trying to say that they ‘have no mandate’ to enter into such an agreement. But they have gradually made concessions.

UCU negotiators are seeking from UCEA the following:

  • a UK level sector wide agreement establishing a series of expectations of employment rights and working conditions for the Higher Education sector, including abolition of zero-hours contracts and ‘worker contracts’ (apart from genuine one-off engagements).
  • a set of core principles for tackling race and gender inequality on pay outcomes and an implementation timescale.
  • a set of commitments on workload review that reinforce the Pay Framework 2004 principle of Equal Pay for Equal Value is properly realised in terms of time and bring workloads under control.
  • to a meaningful pay increase based on RPI that meets the joint unions’ claim of ‘keep up and catch up’.

If we want to defend academic freedom in every university, we have to set minimum employment standards for the sector. A national agreement will have to be backed up by local negotiations that enforce minimum standards at each institution. There can be no slippage of national minimum standards. We have to stop a race to the bottom.

Inequality

The sector is institutionally racist and sexist. The further you go up the payscale in departments and management structures, the smaller the proportion of women and BAME staff. Appointing a few professors or senior managers won’t cut it – the universities are structurally discriminatory.

Addressing casualisation and the two or three tier workforce is a basic necessity to address inequality. It is no accident that the universities with the greatest gender pay gaps are medical and research-intensive universities. Casualisation and poor promotion prospects are the ‘glass ceilings’ – the structural impediments to addressing inequality.

The money is there

So far the employers have made no meaningful improvement on the pay offer. That has to change. Our pay has fallen 20% in real terms while university incomes from student fees have skyrocketed. Staff costs are now 55% of budgets – a record low (in the 1970s they were 70% of budgets). The sector has reserves in excess of £44bn, with surpluses of over £1bn a year coming in. The money is there. We need to force the employers to rethink what they do with the money that is sloshing around the sector.

It was strikes that broke the employers’ determination to trash USS in 2018, and it has been our strikes that have dragged the employers to concede further.

We have to strengthen our action, and we have the advantage of having our students on our side. We know our action is impacting on them, but they also appreciate we are fighting for the future of the sector. We are fighting for them, whether they wish to have a future in academic employment or not.

We have to organise to win. This is not the time to let the picket lines dwindle. But we also need to reach out to the rest of the trade union and labour movement for moral and financial support. Whenever we do so we get a great response.

Sector-changing deals are within sight provided we keep the pressure up!

HE Strike Bulletin #1

Take back the university – Unite and Fight

Lobby of UUK, 2018

UCU members have achieved something many thought impossible. We bust through the Tory anti-union threshold of 50% turnout in sixty universities. Activists have breathed new life into the campaign to defend USS, and broadened the fight to the post-92 universities, winning ballots on pay, equality, casualisation and workload.

Democracy, struggle and ballots

This happened thanks to the flowering of democracy in the union. The 2018 strike movement demanded accountability of union leaders in congresses and conferences. One general secretary election, a turbulent congress, recall congress and democracy commission later and we have a renewed determination to fight at the grassroots.

We also have a new general secretary from the left, and a left-activist HE leadership (see below for next year’s candidates). Now 80% of members in the USS pre-92 universities are on strike. The remainder are in branches whose turnout was less than 10% short of that required – in some cases they were only a few votes short. Many post-92 colleges were also close to the 50% turnout.

A reballot campaign – aligned to the strike campaign – can bring them out.

But branches seeking a rapid reballot have not been supported at HQ. Three weeks after the ballot results came out, we should be starting repeat ballots at the beginning of the strike wave. HEC voted to relaunch the ballot campaign to allow branches to join a second wave of strikes. Branches need to demand a reballot now.

Uniting to win

Now post-92 universities have joined the fightback. The ‘four fights’ campaign unites the sector. In total, nearly two thirds of the union’s HE membership are striking in defence of pay, against casualisation, escalating workload and – perhaps most importantly of all – to close the appalling gender and race pay gaps that blight our sector.

Members in post-92 universities were unable to take action in 2018. They were able to deliver solidarity to their pre-92 colleagues. But the astonishing mass strike movement in the colleges inevitably centred on the ‘old’ universities. The action has spread to post-92.

After the gold rush

Post-92 universities bore the first, shattering brunt of this market attack, suffering devastating cuts and closures. Students pay more, staff earn less. And future taxpayers will pay for it.

In the 2010 general election, the Lib Dems claimed that scrapping tuition fees was “non negotiable”. Then they did a U-turn to enter a coalition with the Tories. That ConDem government tripled fees to £9,000 a year and part-abolished the block grant. Then in 2014 they removed limits on student recruitment, unleashing the gold rush and war-of-all-against-all we see today.

Since then university management greed has expanded courses and student numbers. Over £10bn was borrowed for new campuses and buildings. The Treasury’s tuition fee debt mountain is now around £100bn, half of which will never be repaid.

University employers are gradually waking up to the reality that this gold rush must come to an end. Augar proposed cutting the home student fee to £7,500 a year. This would wipe out profit margins universities are banking on.

The importance of this general election to change course cannot be understated. Both the Labour and Green Party manifestos call for abolishing tuition fees and bringing the HE market under control.

Despite record surpluses as much as £2bn a year, pay has been cut by 20% in real terms over the last ten years. Fee-market uncertainty encourages expansion at the expense of job insecurity. Workload has skyrocketed. Workload and job insecurity are two sides of the same coin: the whip of the causal contract driving up workload for all.

Market competition and secrecy means UCL does not know what Imperial has borrowed or whether its sums add up, and vice versa. USS depends on a ‘mutuality’ principle (all universities share pension risk in case one goes bankrupt). This is undermined by mutual distrust and corporate self-interest. That is why a government guarantee to underpin the scheme makes sense.

We can win

Our demands are ridiculously reasonable. The sector is making record surpluses. In many colleges, interest payments on borrowing exceed the few extra million apiece that would be needed to settle this dispute. But if the Treasury needs to help out, so what? This is a national dispute, universities are a national asset, and we need a national settlement.

In pre-92, if UUK agreed to end the fictional ‘de-risking’ USS valuation model, they would immediately recoup 3.1% of salary costs. USS does not need extra contributions. Between 2017 and 2019, its assets grew by £10bn to £74bn. The increases USS is demanding cannot yield more than £1bn over the next two years.

This strike is a warning shot. Eight days show we are serious. By uniting together we have the power to shut down the whole sector. We may need to strike next year.

Fighting for the future

Our strikes prove that the university is the staff. The ‘academic team’ is the entire staff body, from porter to professor. Education is the gift each generation nurtures and hands to the next. Thus universities are central to ensuring that climate science is implemented, and the world economy is moved onto a sustainable basis.

We stand with our students, and the rest of society. University funding is a pact with society: academic freedom is a freedom of a free society. We stand in solidarity with student and staff protesters in Hong Kong and other countries where those rights are being trampled on. We stand against all who would divide us by race, religion, sexuality, gender or physical ability.

Everyone has the right to benefit from a free education. Its time to unite and fight for the future of Higher Education – and for a freer, more sustainable society for all.