Youth unemployment at an eleven year high: the trade union movement must act!

Student protest against EMA cut
Sean Vernell Regi Pilling

Sean Vernell UCU City and Islington and UCU national negotiator
Regi Pilling UCU Westminster Kingsway and NEC

Just under one million 16-24 year olds are not in work, education or training.

Overall unemployment stands at 5%, but among 16-24 year olds it is 16.1%! This is the highest in eleven years. That’s one in eight young people who are not in work, education or training. These are not marginal figures, they are shocking and a social indictment. 

How is it that the sixth richest country in the world cannot provide the most basic needs for our young people? 

The response from politicians and employers is shameful yet predictable. They blame the minimum wage and young people’s supposed lack of skills. They fail to take any responsibility for the problem, instead blaming young workers for apparently ‘pricing themselves out of work’ and on to teachers for failing to train them with the skills needed by the labour market. 

Starmer’s Labour government accepts these explanations. Caving into pressure from employers, it seems they will break another manifesto pledge and delay the rise in minimum wage for under 21s. This will only entrench the discrimination already faced by young workers.

The review commissioned by the government and led by arch-Blairite Alun Milburn is clearly preparing justifications for another assault on young people’s benefits, if they refuse to take low paid and demeaning jobs. 

The real reason one million young people are out of work, education or training is not a failure of character or capability. It is the relentless pursuit of profit. Over the past four decades, wealth inequality has widened dramatically. ‘Trickle-down economics’ ushered in under Thatcher did not generate shared prosperity: it concentrated wealth in ever-fewer hands. Big Business’s desire to maintain these historic highs of profitability has been achieved through trying to weaken unions, cut jobs, increase workload and lower wages.

The supposed “skills deficit” of young people is not the core issue for their unemployment. The underlying issue is the failure of successive governments to create or invest in new, meaningful and well-paid jobs. Instead they have remained wedded to the deregulated neoliberal economic models of the last fifty years. The acceptance of this orthodoxy has seen public services privatised and cut, often accompanied by deskilling, and always by a reduction in wages and conditions. 

This has further undermined, rather than expanded, job opportunities. Alongside this there has been an over emphasis on so-called economic growth in the ‘service and financial sectors’ — growth that too often generates low-paid, insecure and low-skilled work.

This has combined with an education system which has prioritised a Govian curriculum and heavy-duty assessment approach which has left many young people disillusioned and ‘failed’ by the education system. The government’s recent curriculum review acknowledged aspects of this problem, yet there has been little willingness to pursue the structural changes necessary to build an education system capable of enabling young people to flourish as informed and fulfilled individuals.

Mass youth unemployment has been institutionalized as a structural feature of the economy since the late 1970s. For fifty years, successive governments have failed to introduce schemes to create work. From the disastrous YOP, YTS and MSC schemes of the early 1980s, to the 2013 decision to raise to 18 the age at which young people must remain in education or training — all have failed to secure young people meaningful employment. 

Those of us who work in Further Education know too well the impact on young people’s lives of government and employer failure. Sickness rates are at a record high. This is due to an increase in physical and mental ill-health, as young people find it increasingly difficult to live in a brutal world that prevents them from fulfilling their dreams. 

A generation is being asked to lower their expectations in order to fit the suffocating constraints of an economy that offers insecurity as standard.

‘Workers staying in work for longer’ is often cited as a key barrier to young people gaining work. This narrative is an attempt to divide young workers from old. To the extent that this narrative is true, there are easy solutions to this problem. 

First, return the state retirement and workplace pension age to 60, equalised at what was previously women’s retirement age. Increase employer pension contributions to facilitate stronger pensions which allow older workers to retire earlier.

Second, introduce a three day week on the same pay for those already in work, enabling those younger workers to enter the labour market.

We are told this argument is unaffordable and ‘pie in the sky’. But affordability is a political question — funding is about political choices and not cast-iron economic rules. This government has chosen to increase arms spending by 5% rather than deal with youth unemployment.

These are not economic inevitabilities but political choices being made. 

Unemployment has always played an important role in the running of the system. Unemployment is a surplus pool of labour that can be tapped into when order books are full. Its existence disciplines those in work: ‘don’t complain about your pay and conditions as plenty of others would be more than happy to take your job’. Youth unemployment is not an accident. It is the result of choices and is being embedded into the system. 

Therefore, this task is an urgent one. We must build a campaign capable of preventing the further immiseration of young people and of resisting attempts to divide those in work from the unemployed, and young from older workers.

The trade union movement must act.

The dangerous consequences of failing to act and of centering youth unemployment are all too clear — as shown by the ‘Unite the Kingdom’ demonstration in September 2025, organised by the fascist Tommy Robinson. On the demo there were large numbers of young working class teenagers, pumped up with rage, marching through the capital. 

Reform UK argues that the white working class youth are more likely to be unemployed than their Black and Asian counterparts. This is untrue. In fact, institutional racism ensures that young Black people are twice as likely to be unemployed as their white counterparts, and Asian youth suffer the highest rates of unemployment (23%), according to a TUC report into equality and diversity in employment. 

The labour and trade union movement has historically played an important role in ensuring that the collective power of the trade union movement is the champion of working-class youth rather than the hate filled divisive politics of the far right. The far right offers not solutions but scapegoats.

Historically, the labour and trade union movement has always provided a different answer. The Right to Work campaign launched in the latter half of the 1970s played an important role in undermining the fascist National Front’s support among white working-class youth. The campaign organised marches, lobbies and young unemployed activists joined striking workers on their picket lines.

We need to once again make the issue of youth unemployment a central part of our wider campaigns. We must challenge the increasingly dominant narrative, promoted by sections of the media, the far right and mainstream politicians alike, that this crisis is caused either by the young themselves or by older workers clinging to employment.

Young people today need policies that will ensure they don’t become another ‘lost generation’, scarred and dehumanised by life on the scrap heap. We must renew the demand for one million climate jobs, to return to public ownership of all our utilities, for council housing on a mass scale, and for the reversal of cuts to youth services across higher, further and adult education. Tuition fees must be scrapped for all courses.

As an education union, UCU has both a responsibility and an opportunity to lead. We must place the struggle against mass youth unemployment at the centre of our campaigning work.

If elected to the NEC, we will work to ensure that this becomes a strategic priority for our union.


Sean Vernell and Regi Pilling are standing in the elections for the UCU National Executive Committee.

Picture of our candidates

After the HE ballot results – what next?

The Higher Education ballot results are out.

Despite hard and consistent work by reps and activists in branches, and a campaign from HQ, unfortunately we failed to get over the 50% threshold.

The right in the union are already arguing that it was a mistake to ballot members. Their constant refrain is that it’s the wrong time to ballot, and that the union should concentrate on local fights over jobs rather than building a UK-wide fightback.

This is the position of members of HEC belonging to the Commons and IBL factions who stopped the union reballoting during the 2023 MAB. Having failed to lead the union when they had the mandate, they blame the members, the left – indeed anyone but themselves – for not mobilising successfully now.

How should we interpret this result? 

It’s good that 40% of members did participate in the vote – but why did the campaign fail to cross the 50% threshold?

The central problem is that many UCU members, including dedicated union reps, don’t believe that our leadership is willing to lead a serious fight. This is borne out by people questioning the industrial action strategy. The gap between the 70% vote for strike and 83% vote for ASOS may also reflect this.

But this belief is also based on experience of recent disputes.

Branches fighting job losses have been left to fight alone. There has been no attempt to link up the disputes that have won – like Dundee and Newcastle – with those that are striking or balloting here and now. Nor has there been any central effort to build solidarity with branches in the middle of the fight. Restrictions on accessing the Fighting Fund mean branches taking strike action have had to issue public calls to branches for financial support alongside the usual solidarity.

Secondly, UCU central messaging failed to set out the case for the dispute except in general terms. Members reasonably asked ‘what national agreements are under threat?’, ‘what would a national agreement on jobs look like?’ and ‘is the pay claim affordable?’ Multiple branches, such as Durham, took the initiative. There were lively campaigns by branches and reps on social media. A rank and file group tried to pin down the demands. The UCU Solidarity Movement enumerated 10 reasons to vote Yes

But compared to this, the central campaign was very weak.

The ongoing – and utterly shameful – failure to resolve the dispute with UCU Unite staff has been another big negative factor. And many activists across the UK are still angry at the betrayal of the 2023 MAB campaign over two years ago – and in some cases, are still recovering from the financial hardship they endured.

What next?

So what are the prospects for members, reps and branches in resisting a further cycle of cuts? How can we defend our sector and ourselves?

The employers are not going to sit back. Indeed they may increase the attacks on branches.  Northumbria and Southampton Solent are testing the water to see how the union responds to a brazen assault on TPS pension membership. Other employers may think now is the chance to demand job losses.

There are several arguments that won’t go away.

#1: The sector could afford pay and jobs – if employers cut other expenditure

The affordability argument is pushed by the employers’ organisations UCEA and UUK. They say the cupboard is bare, and that the value of student tuition fees have fallen so low that redundancies and pay cuts are inevitable. 

To add insult to injury, they say staff should take a real terms pay cut of 3% on top of job losses of 10-15,000 a year, with uncounted losses of casualised workers.

Worse still, left to their own devices, a recent report says the employers will continue this cycle of cuts annually.

What is happening to university expenditure?

Figure 1. Expenditure of UK HEIs over time (all) £ millions (source: HESA). *Staff costs are corrected for FRS-102 adjustment.

Note: HESA data adjusts ‘staff costs’ by the FRS-102 accounting method. Thanks to major changes in USS pension liabilities, these ‘costs’ have fluctuated widely in the last few years. An early version of this blog post incorrectly quoted uncorrected HESA data.

These inclines appear quite steep, but become flat or even fall once inflation is taken out. Universities were still expanding over this period. Staff and student numbers in the sector have grown.

Figure 2. Expenditure headings over time (Fig 1), adjusted for inflation (RPI). Source: ONS/Statista.

What is covered by “other operating costs”? This is a catch-all category, but the greatest proportion is capital expenditure. Employers are continuing to invest in new buildings, campuses, medical schools, etc. This expenditure has grown since 2014, when the cap on student numbers was lifted, triggering a “war of all against all.”

This is why it is right to say the money is there. We do not face a “choice” between pay and jobs – the employers are taking both. And the answer is the same – cut the capex! Whenever the employer is announcing redundancy programmes we must first insist on opening the books and stop sacking staff to pay for new campuses.

And if that won’t solve the problem, we need to put pressure on the government to demand a bailout.

#2: Governments can be made to bail out universities

This data is an average. Not all universities are in the same position. 

Redundancies should be the last resort.

  1. Employers are not powerless victims. Despite the headlines, most universities are making surpluses, and some are engaged in substantial capital expenditure projects. Others are restructuring, hiring more staff while making others redundant. Employers have considerable flexibility about what they choose to spend their money on!
  2. Employers are feigning memory loss. Those that accumulated large surpluses in the past now want to forget them and focus on this year’s deficit. The average surplus across UK HE over the last decade was 3.23% of income. Wales is the exception, with an average surplus of just 0.61%.
  3. Universities have reserves. These past surpluses are unspent income. They are not ‘operating surpluses’ – these sums have been banked. Universities have reserves, although the scale of reserves varies massively across the sector.

Some universities, like Dundee and Hull, have a structural deficit, and need a government bailout. Others, like Goldsmiths and Sheffield Hallam, are hovering around the break-even point. But the evidence of the last few years is that redundancy programmes don’t cure deficits, because they also drive students away.

So we need a strategy to defend jobs and the sector, and expose what is going on.

What Dundee UCU did should be a model for other branches to follow.

In the first round, the branch took their fight to the Scottish Parliament, and convinced them to back a bailout to protect jobs. 

When their employer’s new Interim Principal decided to renege on the agreement from last year and sought to make cuts, Dundee UCU were forced to reballot.

They struck again last week, and succeeded in getting a clear statement from the Scottish Government that the £40m bailout must be spent on keeping jobs not paying staff redundancy payments:

“It is Scottish Government’s clear instruction that until such a strategy (referred to above and in the Conditions of Funding as the Strategy To Recovery) has been developed and approved by Court there should be no new proposals for additional compulsory staff reductions.”

This is an amazing victory: a ‘Made in Dagenham’ moment. 

Education is a public good, and universities in towns and cities like Dundee are key employers, they cannot be allowed to fail. The combination of strikes and a political campaign over defending jobs show that it is possible to force governments to bail out universities and hold VCs to pledges not to make redundancies.

But for every Dundee there are several other branches that have been less successful.

#3: We need to take the fight to Parliament

Local fightbacks are not enough. A union that only fights locally is bound to lose. We risk the entrenchment of unequal terms and conditions: the strongest branches may do ok, others will lose out again and again. Many members see the national union effectively silent and failing to lead. The result is an understandable demoralisation.

We need to force Higher Education up the political priorities of governments – and of the UK Parliament in particular. At the moment, Vice Chancellors and UUK are being heard in the press and Parliament. UCU and the other unions are ignored. It is barely surprising if many members don’t believe that UCU has a national strategy!

A UK-wide strike is the best way to turn up the pressure, but we don’t need to wait to organise lobbies. This November, a small group of UCU reps in Further and Adult Education organised a lobby of Parliament in London which had over 300 in attendance. Students joined to support the fight for their education. Sensing the way the wind was blowing, several employers gave the green light for staff and students to attend. 

UCU could call a series of actions building up to coordinated national lobbies of all four Parliaments in the New Year, and build action towards elections in May.

#4: We need to support local strikes over jobs

At the same time, we must redouble our support for branches resisting the jobs massacre. Branches should invite speakers from branches planning to take action. Donations matter! 

Solidarity should not be left to local reps to organise. UCU head office could do a lot more to support branches taking industrial action to resist job cuts. 

Examples include:

  • Extend strike pay so that action need not end too soon (and the employer knows they can’t starve staff back to work)
  • Organise regions to build solidarity for branches fighting back, including local demos, fundraising events, etc
  • Organise speaking tours for reps from branches that have run successful disputes, to share ideas
  • Organise lobbies of key politicians and parties, advertising them publicly to members, and putting on transport 

#5: We need to rebuild the campaign, and reballot members on a UK-wide basis

If we are going to get high turnouts in future ballots in HE, we need an honest discussion about what went right and what went wrong with the ballot we have just had.

UCU should call a HESC not just a swift BDM, so that there is an opportunity to debate motions rather than just give 90-second reports from a limited number of branches, and for delegates to decide on next steps in the dispute.

There should be no attempt to stifle criticism of the UCU leadership – we can’t do things better if we don’t know (or daren’t discuss) what went wrong.

We will need to reballot members. 

Finally, there is one further factor. Labour’s Employment Rights Bill, despite being watered down, is wending its way through Parliament. 

If it passes, then the 50% ballot threshold will be abolished

This won’t change the importance of winning members to taking action. We will still need to campaign to win a ballot. But it will abolish the undemocratic veto, where a group of members actively not voting can stop a strike.

Hold leaders to account in the elections

We can’t just complain about “the leadership” if we don’t seek to change or influence it. This year’s elections for half of the NEC run in February. Due to a resignation, the election for Vice President from HE and FE are being run at the same time. 

This is a unique opportunity to reconfigure UCU’s national officers, to build a dynamic team directing strategy for members. UCU Left have strong and experienced candidates running for VP of HE, Sean Wallis, and VP of FE, Regi Pilling. UCU Left will be running candidates for a large number of seats, alongside a number of independents we regularly work with. 

For a more coherent national strategy across post-16 education, we encourage all colleagues to join the campaign to boost turnout to ensure we get a strong left leadership elected.

Members vote to REJECT ‘Four Fights’ offer – Now #Fight4TheFuture

London College of Fashion

UCU members in Higher Education have voted overwhelmingly to reject the employers’ offer to settle the Four Fights dispute. 61.2% voted Reject, 38.8% to Accept on a 30% turnout.

This is an important result. UCU members have decided that the offer was not worth all the sacrifices that we made, including the 22 days of strike action. They are right — the offer gave no guarantees on casualisation or gender pay, speaking only of ‘expectations’ that employers would engage in, using existing consultation arrangements to ‘move in the right direction’. There was no commitment to ban zero hours contracts, despite such contracts being illegal in some countries. And there was no requirement to come to local agreements with unions or even to engage with them properly if there were not existing mechanisms to do so.

On race pay there was virtually nothing, and the employers insisted on treating workload allocation only under existing provisions regarding stress and health, rejecting our demand that workload models should be agreed in every institution. And, of course, there was nothing on pay.

In the context of huge and savage assaults on jobs, with potentially hundreds of thousands of casualised jobs going — and many already have — plus attacks on pay and conditions, a reject vote is exactly the right message to send to our employers. It signals that members still want to fight against the effects of marketisation, now exacerbated by Coronavirus, on a UK-wide basis, not institution by institution.

At last, a Higher Education Sector Conference (HESC) has been called to draw up a national response to the attacks on jobs, pay and conditions being pushed through by institutions under the cover of Coronavirus. Whether we revive the terms of the 4 Fights dispute or draw up a new claim in light of the latest attacks as the HEC motion suggests, is a secondary question.

We need a national strategy in defence of HE and our jobs.

This needs to include a commitment to fight all job losses, starting with casualised workers and against all worsening of terms and conditions. It needs to include the demands of the 4 Fights in relation to casualisation, workloads and an equality pay claim, and address the intersectionality of the pay gap whilst strengthening the emphasis on the race pay gap and employment of black staff.

Crucially, it needs to reject the idea of pay cuts implicit in HQ’s ‘Jobs First’ strategy. This is a policy that has never been endorsed by union members, but it would erode terms and conditions, and fracture national pay arrangements without defending jobs, especially of casualised staff.

Marian Mayer
Jo McNeill
Sean Wallis
Mark Abel
(Four Fights negotiators 2019-20)